Philadelphia from Sept. 5 to Oct. 26, 1775. It was attended

by 56 people and 12 colonies. Georgia sent no people but

agreed to support any plans made at the meeting. The

leaders of the Congress included Samuel Adams, George

Washington, Peyton Randolph, Patrick Henry, Richard

Henry Lee, John Jay, Joe Galloway, and John Dickinson.

Peyton Randolph was elected president.

The people sent a petition to King George, King of

Britian, called the Declaration of Rights and Grievances,

and invited the people of Canada to join with the King's

permission. In addition the congress called the colonies to

boycott trade to England because they had to pay a tax

called a duty when they went to England to trade. The

people discussed the acts that the British made. Some of

the acts were the Stamp Act, Sugar Act, Restraining Act,

and the Quartering Act. They decided to try and stop some

of them by writing a letter to the king.

The First Continental Congress was concerned about

fair treatment more than independence. If it was

necessary they would jold another Congress the next May.

The First Continental Congress was important because

it was a step closer to independence and the Revolutionary

War.

delegates to the Second Continental Congress. Those present included Sam Adams, Patrick Henry, John Hancock John

Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and George Washington. Some wanted to declare America independent immediately; some wanted

to avoid war at all costs. The Response of Congress was twofold. While giving peace a final try, Congress established a

Continental army and appointed George Washington as commander-in-chief. In an effort to bring peace, John Dickinson and

Open Letter to the American People:

On the 19th of September 1996, neither the people nor the government of

the United States paid any tribute whatsoever to their First President and

most revered Founding Father, George Washington. For it was on that

same day in 1796 that he delivered his Farewell Address to the American

people~for all posterity! This is but one more glaring example of how

"We,the People" are truly far removed from our roots.

I have prepared these pages as one way of saying I am proud to be an

American. However, and on the other hand, it is difficult for me to put to

words the shame and embarassment I have as a U.S. Citizen over the fact

that proper and dignified observation was not afforded to celebrate the

bicentennial anniversary of its issuance. Accordingly, I have chosen to

engage in this project to revivify and preserve the most fundamental root of

our our National Heritage.

The Farewell Address is perhaps the most stunning and wisdom riddled

masterpiece of word-crafting for the cause of liberty in the history of

Western Civilization. It is arguably the most important document to have

ever come from the hand of our beloved first President.

England militiamen under Colonel William Prescott and Gen. Israel PUTNAM on June 17, 1775. When

Americans learned that the British in Boston intended to secure certain heights outside the city, General

Artemas Ward ordered the fortification of Bunker Hill on the Charlestown peninsula. Inexplicably, his

subordinates instead took position on nearby Breed's Hill. The British soon launched an attack up the

slope. In several hours of bloody fighting the Americans were dislodged, but only after the British lost 228

dead and 826 wounded.

Camp of Charlestown Heights, 22 June 1775

Amidst the hurry and confusion of a camp hastily pitched in the field of battle, I am sat down to tell you I have

escaped unhurt, where many, very many, have fallen. The public papers will inform you of the situation of the

ground and the redoubt that we attacked on the heights of Charlestown. I can only say that it was a most

desperate and daring attempt, and it was performed with as much gallantry and spirit as was ever shown by any

troops in any age.

Two companies of the first battalion of Marines, and part of the 47th Regiment, were the first that mounted the

breast-work: and you will not be displeased when I tell you that I was with those two companies, who drove their

bayonets into all that opposed them. Nothing could be more shocking than the carnage that followed the storming

this work. We tumbled over the dead to get at the living, who were crowding out of the gorge of the redoubt, in

order to form under the defences which they had prepared to cover their retreat. In these breast-works they had

artillery, which did so much mischief; but these they were obliged to abandon, being followed closely by the Light

Infantry, who suffered exceedingly in the pursuit. The rebels had 5000 to 7000 men, covered by a redoubt,

breast-works, walls, hedges, trees and the like; and the number of the corps under General Howe, (who

performed this gallant business) did not amount to 1500. We gained a complete victory, and entrenched ourselves

that night, where we lay under arms, in the front of the field of battle. We lay the next night on the ground, and the

following day encamped. The officers have not their marquees, but are obliged to lie in soldier's tents, they being

more portable in case of our advancing.

We had of our corps one major, 2 captains, and 3 lieutenants killed; 4 captains and 3 lieutenants wounded; 2

serjeants and 21 rank and file killed, and 3 serjeants and 79 privates wounded; and I suppose, upon the whole,

we lost, killed and wounded, from 800 to 1000 men. We killed a number of the rebels, but the cover they fought

under made their loss less considerable than it would otherwise have been. The army is in great spirits, and full of

rage and ferocity at the rebellious rascals, who both poisoned and chewed the musket balls, in order to make

them the more fatal. Many officers have died of their wounds, and others very ill: 'tis astonishing what a number of

officers were hit on this occasion; but the officers were particularly aimed at.

I will just give you a short account of the part of the action where I was particularly concerned. We landed close

under Charlestown, and formed with the 47th Regiment close under the natural defences of the redoubt, which we

drove the enemy from, climbing over rails and hedges. So we closed upon them; but when we came immediately

under the work, we were checked by the severe fire of the enemy, but did not retreat an inch. We were now in

confusion, after being broke several times in getting over the rails, etc. I did all I could to form the two companies

on our right, which at last I effected, losing many of them while it was performing. Major Pitcairne was killed close

by me, with a captain and a subaltern, also a serjeant, and many of the privates; and had we stopped there much

longer, the enemy would have picked us all off.

I saw this, and begged Colonel Nesbitt of the 47th to form on our left, in order that we might advance with our

bayonets to the parapet. I ran from right to left, and stopped our men from firing; while this was doing, and when

we had got in tolerable order, we rushed on, leaped the ditch, and climbed the parapet, under a most sore and

heavy fire. Colonel Nesbitt spoke very favourably of my conduct, and both our Majors have mentioned me to

Lord Sandwich in consequence of it. One captain and one subaltern fell in getting up, and one captain and one

subaltern was wounded of our corps; three captains of the 52nd were killed on the parapet, and others that I

know nothing of. God bless you! I did not think, at one time, that I should ever have been able to write this,

We had of our corps one major, 2 captains, and 3 lieutenants killed; 4 captains and 3 lieutenants wounded; 2

serjeants and 21 rank and file killed, and 3 serjeants and 79 privates wounded; and I suppose, upon the whole,

we lost, killed and wounded, from 800 to 1000 men. We killed a number of the rebels, but the cover they fought

under made their loss less considerable than it would otherwise have been. The army is in great spirits, and full of

rage and ferocity at the rebellious rascals, who both poisoned and chewed the musket balls, in order to make

them the more fatal. Many officers have died of their wounds, and others very ill: 'tis astonishing what a number of

officers were hit on this occasion; but the officers were particularly aimed at.

I will just give you a short account of the part of the action where I was particularly concerned. We landed close

under Charlestown, and formed with the 47th Regiment close under the natural defences of the redoubt, which we

drove the enemy from, climbing over rails and hedges. So we closed upon them; but when we came immediately

under the work, we were checked by the severe fire of the enemy, but did not retreat an inch. We were now in

confusion, after being broke several times in getting over the rails, etc. I did all I could to form the two companies

on our right, which at last I effected, losing many of them while it was performing. Major Pitcairne was killed close

by me, with a captain and a subaltern, also a serjeant, and many of the privates; and had we stopped there much

longer, the enemy would have picked us all off.

I saw this, and begged Colonel Nesbitt of the 47th to form on our left, in order that we might advance with our

we had got in tolerable order, we rushed on, leaped the ditch, and climbed the parapet, under a most sore and

heavy fire. Colonel Nesbitt spoke very favourably of my conduct, and both our Majors have mentioned me to

Lord Sandwich in consequence of it. One captain and one subaltern fell in getting up, and one captain and one

subaltern was wounded of our corps; three captains of the 52nd were killed on the parapet, and others that I

know nothing of. God bless you! I did not think, at one time, that I should ever have been able to write this,

though in the heat of the action I thought nothing of the matter. though in the heat of the action I thought nothing of the matter.

This document has the distinction, owing to its outstanding importance, of having

been given a special designation by historians..... much in the same way as we

speak of Magna Charta or the Declaration .....and is referred to generally as the

Olive Branch. The reason is not hard to see, for it represents the final effort of

the American Colonists to have their conditions ameliorated and the differences

between themselves and the Mother Country settled amicably. This in spite of

the fact that hostilities had already opened, and action had been initiated at

Concord, Lexington and Bunker Hill.

Certain of the representatives were in favor of a conciliation and were not

prepared to follow the majority in a declaration of independence. In order to

obtain unanimous action, the majority agreed with the minority to present this

petition, evidently believing that if it was turned down or ignored by the King, the

minority would be willing to agree with the majority and declare for

independence.

The document is in the form of a petition to King George III, and was adopted

and two originals signed by members of the Continental Congress in July, 1775.

Among the signatures are those of John Hancock, Benjamin Franklin, Samuel

Adams, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, John Jay, Roger

Sherman, Lewis Morris, and many other founding fathers. In John Adams'

record, it is said that "a petition was sent yesterday by Mr. Richard Penn in one ship and a duplicate goes in another ship this

day." Richard Penn and Arthur Lee were deputed to take it to England, and on August 21, 1775, they had a working copy

written and sent to Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, and named August 23rd as the date for the formal

presentation of the original.

Lord Dartmouth received the original from Penn on September 1st, but the King would not see him On being pressed for a

reply, Lord Dartmouth said: "As His Majesty did not receive the petition on the throne, no answer will be given." As a result of

this action, and the cold shoulder given to the petition, the way was cleared for the Declaration of Independence in

1776,.........and the Revolution went on to its successful conclusion.

Only two originals, signed by the Congressional delegates, and one working copy of the Petition are known: one original in the

Public Record Office, London; the second in the New York Public Library. The working copy is preserved in the Karpeles

Manuscript Library, in Santa Barbara, as well as the original report on the missions failure.

On September 2, 1775, Penn and Lee reported back to Congress:

"On the 21 st of last month, we sent to the Secretary of State for America, a copy of the Petition from the general Congress;

and yesterday, the first moment that was permitted us, we presented to him the Original, which his lordship promised to deliver to his Majesty.

We thought it our duty to press his Lordship to obtain an answer; but we were told that his Majesty did not receive it on the

throne, no answer would be given.

yr most faithful Servants

Arthur Lee"

Commons of England

In Parliament Assembled.

The humble Petition of divers wel affected Persons

inhabiting the City of London, Westminster, the Borough of

Southwark, Hamblets, and places adjacent.

Whereunto is annexed, The humble desires of the said

Petitioners for the Houses resolution thereon, before they

proceed with the personal Treaty.

Sheweth,

That although we are as earnestly desirous of a safe and

wel-grounded Peace, and that a finall end were put to all the

troubles and miseries of the Common-wealth, as any sort of

men whatsoever: Yet considering upon what grounds we

engaged on your part in the late and present Wars, and how far

(by our so doing) we apprehend our selves concerned, Give us

leave (before you conclude as by the Treaty in hand) to

acquaint you first with the ground and reason which induced us

to aid you against the King and his Adherents. Secondly, What

our Apprehensions are of this Treaty. Thirdly, What we

expected from you, and do still most earnestly desire.

Be pleased therefore to understand, that we had not engaged

on your part, but that we judged this honourable House to be

the supream Authority of England, as chosen by, and

representing the People; and entrusted with absolute power for

redresse of Grievances, and provision for Safety: and that the

King was but at the most the chief publike Officer of this

Kingdom, and accomptable to this House (the Representative

of the People, from whom all just Authority is, or ought to be

derived) for discharge of his Office: And if we had not bin

confi-[2] dent hereof, we had bin desperately mad to have

taken up Armes or to have bin aiding and assisting in

maintaining a War against Him; The Laws of the Land making it

expresly a crime no lesse than Treason for any to raise War

against the King.

But when we considered the manifold oppressions brought

upon the Nation, by the King, His Lords, and Bishops, and that

this Honourable House declared their deep sence thereof; and

that (for continuance of that power which had so opprest us) it

was evident the King intended to raise Forces, and to make

War; and that if he did set up his Standard, it tended to the

dissolution of the Government: upon this, knowing the safety of

the People to be above Law, and that to judge thereof

appertained to the Supream Authority, and not to the Supream

Magistrate, and being satisfyed in our Consciences, that the

publike safety and freedom was in imminent danger, we

concluded we had not only a just cause to maintain; but the

supream Authority of the Nation, to justifie, defend, and

indempnifie us in time to come, in what we should perform by

direction thereof; though against the known Law of the Land,

or any inferiour Authority, though the highest.

And as this our understanding was begotten in us by principles

of right reason, so were we confirmed therein by your own

proceedings, as by your condemning those Judges who in the

case of Ship-money had declared the King to be Judge of

saftey and by your denying Him to have a Negative voice in the

making of Laws; where you wholly exclude the Wing from

having any share in the supream Authority: Then by your casting

the Bishops out of the House of Lords, who by tradition also,

had bin accounted an essentiall part of the supream Authority;

And by your declaring to the Lords, That if they would not joyn

with you in setling the Militia, (which they long refused) you

would settle it without them, which you could not justly have

done, had they had any real share in the supream Authority.

These things we took for real Demonstrations, that you

undoubtedly knew your selves to be the supream Authority;

ever weighing down in us all other your indulgent Expressions

concerning the King or Lords. It being indeed impossible for us

to believe that it can consist either with the safety or freedom of

the Nation, to be governed either by 3. or 2. Supreams

especially where experience hath proved them so apt to differ

in their Judgements concerning Freedom or Safety, that the one

hath been known to punish what the other hath judged worthy

of reward; when not only the freedom of the people is directly

oppo-[3] site to the Prerogaties of the King and Lords, but the

open enemies of the one, have been declared friends by the

other, as the Scots were by the House of Lords.

And when as most of the oppressions of the Common-wealth

have in all times bin brought upon the people by the King and

Lords, who nevertheless would be so equal in the supream

Authority, as that there should be no redress of Grievances, no

provision for safety, but at their pleasure. For our parts, we

profess our selves so far from judging this to be consistent with

Freedom or Safety, that we know no great cause Wherefore

we assisted you in the late Wars, but in hope to be delivered by

you from so intollerable, so destructive a bondage, so soon as

you should (through Gods blessing upon the Armies raised by

you) be enabled.

But to our exceeding grief, we have observed that no sooner

God vouchsafeth you victory, and blesseth you with success,

and thereby enableth you to put us and the whole Nation, into

an absolute condition of freedom and safety: but according as

ye have bin accustomed, passing by the ruine of a Nation, and

all the bloud that hath bin spilt by the King and his Party, ye

betake your selvs to a Treaty with him, thereby puting him that

is but one single person, and a publike Officer of the

Commonwealth, in competition with the whole body of the

people, whom ye represent; not considering that it is impossible

for you to erect any authority equall to your selves; and

declared to all the world that you will not alter the ancient

Government, from that of King, Lords, and Commons: not

once mentioning (in case of difference) which of them is

supream, but leaving that point (which was the chiefest cause of

all our publike differences, disturbances Wars and miseries) as

uncertain as ever.

In so much as we who upon these grounds have laid out our

selves every way to the uttermost of our abilities: and all others

throughout the land, Souldiers and others who have done the

like in defence of our supream authority, and in opposition to

the King, cannot but deem our selves in the most dangerous

condition of all others, left without all plea of indemnity, for

what we have done; as already many have found by losse of

their lives & liberties, either for things done or said against the

King; the law of the land frequently taking place, and

precedency against and before your authority, which we

esteemed supream, and against which no law ought to be

pleaded. Nor can we possibly conceive how any that have any

waies assisted you, can be exempt from the guilt of murders

and robbers, by the present laws in force, if you [4] persist to

disclaime the Supreame Authority, though their owne

conscience do acquit them, as having opposed none but

manifest Tyrants, Oppressors and their adherents.

And wnereas a Personall 1 reaty, or any Treaty with the King,

hath been long time held forth as the only means of a safe &

wel-grounded peace; it is well known to have been cryed up

principally by such as have been dis-affected unto you; and

though you have contradicted it: yet it is believed that you much

fear the issue i as you have cause sufficient, except you see

greater alteration in the King and his party then is generally

observed, there having never yet been any Treaty with him, but

was accompanied with some underhand dealing; and whilst the

present force upon him (though seeming liberty) will in time to

come be certainly pleaded, against all that shall or can be

agreed upon: nay, what can you confide in if you consider how

he hath been provoked; and what former Kings upon lesse

provocations have done, after Oaths) Laws, Charters Bonds,

Excommunications, and all ties of Reconsilliations, to the

destruction of all those that had provoked and opposed them:

yea, when your selves so soone as he had signed those bils in

the beginning of this Parliament, saw cause to tell him, That

even about the time of passing those bils, some design or other

was on foot, which if it had taken effect would not only have

rendred those bills fruitlesse, but have reduced you [to] a worse

condition of confusion than that wherein the Parliament found

vou.

And if you consider what new wars, risings, revolting invasions,

and plottings have been since this last cry for a Personall

Treaty, you will not blame us if we wonder at your hasty

proceedings thereunto: especially considering the wonderfull

victories which God hath blessed the Army withall.

We professe we cannot chuse but stand amazed to consider

the inevitable danger we shall be in, though all things in the

Propositions were agreed unto, the Resolutions of the King and

his party have been per petually violently and implacably

prosecuted & manifested against us, and that with such scorn

and indignation, that it must be more than such ordinary bonds

that must hold them.

And it is no lesse a wonder to us) that you can place your own

security therein, or that you can ever imagine to see a free

Parliament any more in England.

The truth is (and we see we must either now speak it [or] for

ever be silent,) We have long expected things of another nature

from you, and such as we are confident would have given

satisfaction to all serious people of all Parties. [ 5 ]

l. That you would have made good the supreme [authority] of

the people, in this Honourable House, from all pretences of

Negative Voices, either in King or Lords.

2. That you would have made lawes for election of

representatives yearly and of course without writ or summons.

3. That you would have set expresse times for their meeting

Continuance and Dissolution: as not to exceed 40 or 50 daies

at the most, and to have fixed an expressed time for the ending

of this present Parl.

4. That you would have exempted matters of Religion and God,

from the compulsive or restrictive power of any Authoritie upon

earth, and reserved to the supreme authoritie an uncompulsive

power only of appointing a way for the publick [worship],

whereby abundance of misery, persecution, and hart-burning

would for ever be avoyded.

5. That you would have disclaimed in your selvs and all future

Representatives, a power of Pressing and forcing any sort of

men to serve in warrs, there being nothing more opposite to

freedom, nor more unreasonable in an authoritie impowered for

raising monies in all occasions, for which, and a just cause,

assistants need not be doubted: the other way serving rather to

maintain injustice and corrupt parties.

6. That you would have made both Kings, Queens, Princes,

Dukes, Earls, Lords, and all Persons, alike liable to every Law

of the Land, made or to be made i that so all persons even the

Highest might fear & stand in aw and neither violate the publick

peace, nor private right of person or estate, (as hath been

frequent) without being lyable to accompt as other men.

7. That you would have freed all Commoners from the

jurisdiction of the Lords in all cases: and to have taken care that

all tryalls should be only of twelve sworn men, and no

conviction but upon two or more sufficient known witnesses.

8. That you would have freed all men from being examined

against themselves, and from being questioned or punished for

doing of that against which no Law hath bin provided.

9. That you would have abbreviated the proceedings in Law,

mitigated and made certain the charge thereof in all particulars.

1O. That you would have freed all Trade and Marchandising

from all Monopolizing and Engrossing, by Companies or

otherwise.

11. That you would have abolished Excise, and all kinds of

taxes, except subsidies, the old and onely just way of England.

12. That you would have laid open all late Inclosures of Fens,

and other Commons, or have enclosed them onely or chiefly to

the beneft of the poor. [ 6 ]

13. That you would have considered the many thousands that

are ruined by perpetual imprisonment for debt, and provided to

their enlargement.

14. That you would have ordered some effectual course to

keep people from begging and beggery, in so fruitful a Nation

as through Gods bless this.

15. That you would have proportioned Punishments more equal

to offences; that so mens Lives and Estates might not be

forfeited upon trivial and slight occasions.

16. That you would have removed the tedious burthen of

Tythes, satisfying all Impropriators, and providing a more equal

way of mainte arlce for the publike Ministers.

17. That you would have raised a stock of Money out of those

many confiscated Estates you have had, for payment of those

who contributed voluntarily above their abilities, before you had

provided for those that distbursed out of their superfluities.

1 8. That you would have bound your selves and all future

Parliaments from abolishing propriety, levelling mens Estats, or

making all things common.

19. That you would have declared what the duty or busines of

the Kingly office is, and what not, and ascertained the Revenue,

past increase or diminution, that so there might never be more

quarrels about the same.

20. That you would have rectified the election of publike

Officers for the Citie of London, of every particular Company

therein, restoring the Comunalty thereof to their just Rights,

most unjustly withheld from them, to the producing and

maintaining of corrupt interest, opposite to common Freedom,

and exceedingly prejudecal to the trade and manu factures of

this Nation.

21. That you would have made full and ample reparations to all

persons that had bin oppressed by sentences in high

Commission, Star Chamber, and Councel Board, or by any

kind of Monopolizers, or projectors, and that out of the estates

of those that were authors actors or promoters of so

intollerable mischiefs, and that without much attendance.

22. That you would have abolished all Committees, and have

conveyed all businesses into the true method of the usuall

Tryalls of the Commonwealth.

23. That you would not have followed the example of former

tyrannous and superstitious Parliaments, in making Orders,

Ordinances [7] or lawes, or in appointing punishments

concerning opinions or things a super-naturall stiling some

blasphemies others heresies; when as you know our selves

easily mistaken and that divine truths need I10 human helps to

support them: such proceedings having bin generally invented to

divide the people amongst themselves, and to affright men from

that liberty of discourse by which Corruption & tyranny would

be soon discovered.

24. That you would have declared what the businesse of the

Lords is, and ascertain their condition, not derogating from the

Liberties of other men, that so there might be an end of striving

about the same.

25. That you would have done Justice upon the Capitall

Authors and Promoters of the former or late Wars, many of

them being under your power: Considering that mercy to the

wicked, is cruelty to the innocent: and that all your lenity doth

but make them the more insolent and presumptuous.

26. That you would have provided constant pay for the Army,

now under the Command of the Lord Gen. Fairfax, and given

rules to all Judges, and all other publike Officers throughout the

Land for their indempnity, and for the saving harmlesse all that

have any wayes assisted you, or that have said or done any

thing against the King, Queen, or any of his party since the

begining of this Parl. without which any of his party are in a

better condition then those who have served you; nothing being

more frequent with them, then their reviling of you and your

friends.

The things and worthy Acts which have bin done and atchived

by this Army and their Adherents (how ever ingratefully

suffered to be scandalized as Sectaries and men of corrupt

Judgements) in defence of the just authority of this honourable

House, and of the common liberties of the Nation, and in

opposition to all kind of Tyranny and oppression, being so far

from meriting an odious Act of Oblivion, that they rather

deserve a most honourable Act of perpetual remembrance, to

be as a patern of publike vertue, fidelity, and resolution to all

posterity.

27. That you would have laid to heart all the abundance of

innocent bloud that hath bin spilt, and the infinite spoil and

havock that hath been made of peaceable harmlesse people, by

express Commissions from the King; and seriously to have

considered whether the justice of God be likely to be satisfyed,

or his yet continuing wrath appeased, by an Act Ofblivon.

These and the like we have long time hoped you would have

min-[8], ded and have made such an establishment for the

Generall peace and contentfull satisfaction of all sorts of people,

as should have bin to the happiness of all future generations,

and which we most earnestly desire you would set your selves

speedily to effect; whereby the almost dying honour of this most

honorable House, would be again revived, and the hearts of

your Petitioners and all other well affected people, be afresh

renewed unto you the Freedom of the Nation (now in

perpetuall hazard) would be firmly established, for which you

would once more be so strengthened with the love of the

people, that you should not need to cast your eyes any other

wayes [under God] for your security: but if all this availeth

nothing, God be our Guide, for men sheweth us not a wan for

our preservation.

To the Right Honorable, The Commons of England in

Parliament Assembled. The humble Petition of the

Presenters of the late large Petition, presented to this

Honorable House upon Munday last, being the 11. of

September, 1648.

Sheweth,

That we judge our selves and all who have cordially assisted

you in the late or present Wars, so much concerned in the

matters contained in our said large Petition, as that thereupon

depends, not only the lives liberties, and estates of all that have

adhered unto You; but also the Peace, Freedom, and

prosperity of the Common Wealth.

And therefore considering the weight and necessity thereof, in

this instant of time, together with our constant Faithfulness to

the true Intrest of this Honourable House in Your greatest

extremities; we cannot but grieve that we should now in any

respect appear so inconsiderable in ourselves, or so immaterial

in the Petition; (that having received and read the same) neither

it nor we should be thought worthy of the least Testimony of

your regard to either.

The which your unaccustomed bearing towards Wel-affected

Petitioners, and the danger we conceive our selves and the

Cause we have defended to be in, untill we know what your

Sense and Resolutions are upon the particulars thereof, hath

necessitated this our humble and speedy re-adress.

Earnestly praying, That you will be pleased to reassume the

consideration of the whol and every part of the said Petition,

before you proceed with the Treaty intended; And that you will

favour your Petitioners who have not preferred their lives

before your preservation, so far as to let them understand your

Acceptation and Intentions thereupon; that so we may neither

become a prey, nor yet a by-word to our enemies, for our

Affection to the Common Welfare of the Nation.

And as in Duty bound, we shall pray &c.

FINIS. (1775)